© Springer Japan 2016
Jun Shigemura and Rethy Kieth Chhem (eds.)Mental Health and Social Issues Following a Nuclear Accident10.1007/978-4-431-55699-2_11. Godzilla Mon Amour: The Origins and Legacy of Nuclear Fear in Japan
(1)
United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO), Wagramerstraße 5, 1220 Vienna, Austria
(2)
Fukushima Medical University, Fukushima, Japan
(3)
Hiroshima University, Hiroshima, Japan
(4)
Nagasaki University, Nagasaki, Japan
(5)
Cambodia Development Research Institute, Phnom Penh, Cambodia
(6)
School of Pharmacy, University College London, London, UK
Abstract
While investigating the fear of radiation, scholarly concern has often overlooked cinema as a narrative medium of cultural influence and social commentary. In Japan, the 1954 release of Gojira (1954)—wherein the titular reptile Gojira (or “Godzilla”) is awakened via nuclear testing—signaled the emergence of radiation fear par excellence. Within this article, an investigation of nuclear fear and perceptions in general, coupled with a history of Japanese involvement with radiological technologies in particular, forms the basis for analyzing this seminal film. Subsequently, nuclear fear as showcased in Gojira is analyzed, with additional emphasis placed upon the in-film characterization of scientists, as well as the public communication of risk from authorities to society en masse. The chapter will conclude by investigating the extended legacy of Gojira and Japanese nuclear fear, particularly regarding the fear of radiation following the Fukushima nuclear accident of 2011, and discuss the film’s impact upon public perceptions and fear of radiation effects.
Keywords
Nuclear fearFukushima accidentGodzillaJapanese cinemaPublic communication1.1 Introduction
Prior to the birth of cinema, the story narrative had long since been established as an essential means of conveying knowledge, with the long-term durability of narrative providing a conduit not only between peoples in proximity but generations and civilizations otherwise independent of each other. Recent studies have confirmed this practiced belief of narrative potency: With the structure of narrative similar to the neurological structure of “human memory, knowledge, and social communication,” storytelling comprises a superior method of knowledge transfer. Therefore, as natural vessels of communication, the narrative, along with its diverse tellers, has often attained an infectious capacity to educate and influence within human societies [1].
Among its various concerns, the narrative remains a particularly potent tool of conveying fear of the unknown. In such cases, that which exists beyond the known world—fringe territories, shrouded by the vacancy of human exploration—figures heavily, primarily found in fables or parables of ethical teachings and moral duty [2]. Thus, the primordial fears of townsfolk and city dwellers alike would become the creative reservoir for period storytellers, through which the undefined and indefinite at society’s edge may be convincingly animated, most conspicuously into terrors of the supernatural.
Evading the “enormous condescension of posterity” [3], we admit that modern advances in learning have left us no more capable of mitigating these fears than previous generations, with discoveries of the twentieth century having only continued to fuel the apprehensions associated with exploration and scientific investigation. This does not suggest, however, that these fears have remained immutable. The grand experiments and discoveries enabled by the sciences have irreversibly altered our perception of the unknown and our associate fears. Perceptions of the natural world, no longer channeled through fable and myth alone, have become actively distorted by experimentation, in many ways becoming increasingly potent in parallel with increases of the scale of these scientific investigations and their consequences. Thus, it is with nuclear technologies, which forward from the mid-1940s would enact far greater fear, in both scope and severity, than the previous centuries combined.
Given the film’s concerns arising from the postwar “age of anxiety” [4], it is perhaps appropriate that the idea to become Gojira (1954) was born from fear and desperation.1 En route to Tokyo, following a disastrous film shoot in Jakarta, Tomoyuki Tanaka, producer at the famed Toho Motion Picture Company, required a film concept to replace the failed project. If left abandoned without a viable substitute, the failure would cost both the company and Tanaka greatly [5]. Tanaka’s own fear of losing face with Toho executives, coupled with news of the Lucky Dragon, a Japanese fishing boat recently irradiated by American nuclear testing in the Pacific Ocean, would converge over the South China Sea where Tanaka would conceive the primordial behemoth Gojira, a colossal manifestation of nuclear fear to enrapture audiences until the present day.
Prior to our discussion of Godzilla within the 1954 film, a concise history of nuclear fear in Japan followed by a discussion of nuclear fear and perception in general will be illustrated. The origins of nuclear fear in Japan serve as a background to the subsequent analysis of important elements within the film. This is followed by a discussion of the film’s legacy, extending to the present evolution of this fear within Japan, particularly following the Fukushima Daiichi disaster of 2011.
1.2 A Brief History of Nuclear Fear in Japan
Radiation research had begun as a hopeful and publically welcomed enterprise, with experiments over the early twentieth century meeting widespread public admiration—for instance, Marie Curie’s groundbreaking work with radioactivity. However, the bodily disfiguration and fatalities of those exposed to high doses of radiation within this formative era, including Curie herself, began to curtail the universal support for this research. The remedial radiological technologies developed by way of this initial research (e.g., X-ray technology) have not lessened this initial motion towards negative perception.
The Second World War was critical to this perception of nuclear technologies in Japan. In the decades preceding Gojira, the citizens of Japan witnessed a series of events which would cast radiation, artificial or otherwise, in an entirely negative light. The firebombing of Tokyo in early 1945 was only eclipsed in its disparaging effect on the Japanese psyche by the detonation of nuclear weapons over the Japanese cities of Nagasaki and Hiroshima later that year. Although significant loss of life had already been inflicted upon the Japanese over the previous years of war, the impact of the atomic bombings resulted in physical and psychological damage of unprecedented immensity, irreparably distorting the Japanese psyche over the next decades towards the present. As Palferman discusses, human beings tend to fear technologies that are “unbounded or that have catastrophic potential, imposed on a community, or managed by organizations or individuals that are seen as untrustworthy or incompetent” [6, p. 34]. In the context of Japan, this list of factors reads as if written specifically for nuclear weapons: catastrophically imposed, as they were, during wartime by an enemy combatant. Thus, the latent accumulation of apprehension towards nuclear technology instantly ascended to the forefront of public concern.
The era that followed would be considerably less forgiving to experimentation within the emergent nuclear sciences. The Japanese would view radiation and its antecedent materials as mysterious and harmful, scientists as persons meddling beyond the proper limits of human control, and the entire enterprise of scientific investigation as morally dubious [7, p. 32]. These beliefs were particularly accentuated by the accounts of mutation suffered through radiation exposure, where seared, fireless wounds fed into ancient beliefs of transmutation to human flesh, elevating alchemist narratives, having long been internalized within the population and cultural ethos, into modernity.
In 1954, the public interest in nuclear technologies peaked once more with the aforementioned Lucky Dragon incident. That same year, Russia introduced the AM-1, the world’s first nuclear reactor capable of feeding into an energy grid [8]. The former event had a particular effect on the Japanese, being the first instance of irradiation inflicted upon civilians following the atrocities of wartime. Thus, the mentality of the Japanese public as victim of circumstance, having initially formed with unwanted inclusion in the Second World War at the behest of the presiding government, was further emboldened by this accidental irradiation upon the Japanese population. This mentality was visible in two regards: The first by which the Japanese perceived themselves as victims of American military aggression—both during the war and through the cultural influence and media censorship immediately following—and as previously mentioned, as persons involuntarily bound to domestic policy and most directly affected by the disasters originating from government directives. The citizens of Japan, having endured this imperious era, would later seek to produce cultural vessels that encapsulated the anxieties of falling victim to political and technological device. Arguably, the most impactful of these was the motion picture.
With an economy only beginning to gain traction—the Japanese economic miracle still nascent in 1950s Japan—following the devastation of war, financial risk remained significant. Of course, and not unlike other widely marketed artistic productions, the economic nature of cinema is such that the widest viewing audiences are sought. Thus, in order to gain the maximum financial returns, the on-screen narrative must embody a universal attractor: A sentiment ingrained in the intended audience to be exploited equally for its potency and its universality, lest the production fails its original task of achieving economic success. This sentiment would be nuclear fear, and, coupled with the success of “monster movies” at home and abroad, the cultural climate would greatly enhance the potential of Tanaka’s proposal. Production would begin almost immediately.
Prior to our explication of the film itself, a brief section on nuclear fear and perception as presently understood is required, within which we will shortly illustrate the potency of cinema as a medium of transporting these fears to the audience.
1.3 Nuclear Fear and Perception
In discussing the fears associated with radiation, Weart posits that “the fact is, emotions came first, and the powerful devices themselves came later” [9, p. 30]. Scholarly concerns regarding the fear of radiation, or radiophobia, often adjoins with studies of afflictions caused by real or perceived risk, most apparently post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and depression. Once inscribed in genetics, through traumatic or repeated exposure, fear necessitates a host of expressions at the physiological (micro) level, eventually manifesting itself in the societal (macro) level. From the approximate locus of fear in the brain’s amygdala,2 the following are characteristic of fear response: human perception of threat of danger, pain, or harm3; conditioned response paired to an unconditioned stimulus4; organization and coordination of the defensive behavior system to environmental threats; and interpretation of emotional stimuli or people’s emotional state [10–13]. To the latter, “macro” cultural terms, the impressions of fear are held within group dynamics or what scholars have recognized as collectivism: a counterbalance to individualism that includes norms, history, and geography, as variables in considering the strength of relationships between individuals in various communal groups. Observations of collectivism traverse the spectrum of collective groupings from families to, in the case of Japan, prefectures and the population en masse. Thus, the complexity of nuclear fear in Japan is such that the individual within the collective must be regarded as a vessel of cultural influence, simultaneously containing and promulgating, through their interactions (and intensity of these reactions) with others.5

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